Tuesday, August 18, 2026

Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit.

 August 18, 1900. A baby girl is born in Allahabad, India, to Motilal Nehru and Swaruprani Thussu. They name her Swarup Kumari Nehru. Her older brother, Jawaharlal, is eleven years old. He will become India's first prime minister. She will become the first woman president of the United Nations General Assembly.

But first, she will be imprisoned three times by the British Empire.
Swarup Kumari grows up in a wealthy, politically engaged Kashmiri Pandit family. Her father is a successful barrister who serves twice as President of the Indian National Congress. He believes Indians must become fluent in English to succeed globally. She is educated by an English governess and tutors. She becomes literate in English before she learns to read and write Hindi.
In 1916, at age sixteen, she attends the Congress session in Lucknow. She is impressed by Sarojini Naidu and Annie Besant—women active in politics, women leading. In 1920, she spends time at Mahatma Gandhi's ashram near Ahmedabad, participating in daily chores, dairy work, spinning.
In 1921, she marries Ranjit Sitaram Pandit, a barrister and classical scholar. His family chooses a new name for her, as is customary in Hindu circles: Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit. She is twenty-one years old.
She has three daughters: Chandralekha, Nayantara, and Rita.
By the 1930s, India's independence movement intensifies. Pandit joins actively. She participates in demonstrations. She signs manifestos. She speaks publicly against British rule.
In 1932, the British arrest her. She is imprisoned for eighteen months—from 1932 to 1933. She is released. She continues her activism.
In 1936, following the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial elections are held. Pandit runs for office. In 1937, she is elected to the provincial legislature of the United Provinces. She becomes Minister of Local Self-Government and Public Health. She is the first Indian woman to hold a cabinet position in pre-independent India.
She holds this position until 1938. The Congress ministers resign in protest of India being dragged into World War II without consultation.
In 1940, she is arrested again. Six months in prison.
In 1942, during the Quit India Movement, she is arrested a third time. Seven months in prison.
In 1944, her husband dies in Lucknow prison. He had been arrested for his support of Indian independence. She is a widow at forty-three, left with three daughters.
Under Hindu communal law, because they have no sons and Ranjit left no will, the family's money and property transfers to the closest male relative in her husband's family. She is offered minimal widow maintenance plus payments for their daughters until they marry. She accepts, relying on support from her brother Nehru and Gandhi, who urge her not to pursue a legal case—they have "more important things to do" in pursuit of independence.
She continues fighting for India's freedom.
In 1944, she visits the United States to raise awareness about Indian affairs and counter anti-Indian propaganda. She speaks eloquently about colonialism, about self-determination, about the right of peoples to govern themselves.
August 15, 1947: India gains independence.
Pandit immediately enters diplomatic service. She becomes India's ambassador to the Soviet Union from 1947 to 1949. Then ambassador to the United States and Mexico from 1949 to 1951.
Between 1946 and 1968, she heads the Indian delegation to the United Nations. She uses this platform to draw attention to ongoing colonialism worldwide, to demand equal rights and freedom for the oppressed everywhere.
In a speech at a UN plenary meeting in 1948, she states: "The Indian delegation, believing in the freedom of all peoples, wished to see the early termination of colonial system, and the speedy attainment of self government by all peoples inhabiting colonial or Trust Territories."
She speaks not as someone theorizing about oppression. She speaks as someone who has lived it—who has been imprisoned for resisting it, who has lost her husband to it, who has watched her country struggle for freedom from it.
1953: UN Member States elect Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit as the eighth President of the United Nations General Assembly.
She is the first woman ever elected to this role.
She is fifty-three years old. She has been fighting for justice for more than thirty years. She has been imprisoned three times. She has led diplomatic missions to multiple countries. She has represented India on the world stage for seven years.
She sits at the highest diplomatic table and leads.
This is not symbolic. This is not a gesture. This is the result of decades of service, intellect, and tenacity.
The same year, 1953, she is a candidate for Secretary-General of the United Nations.
After her term as General Assembly President ends in 1954, she continues her diplomatic career. From 1955 to 1961, she serves as Indian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom and concurrently as ambassador to Ireland. From 1958 to 1961, she is also ambassador to Spain.
In fifteen years of diplomatic service, she travels across three continents.
In 1962, she returns to India and becomes Governor of Maharashtra, serving until 1964. From 1964 to 1968, she serves in the Lok Sabha (parliament), representing the constituency formerly represented by her brother Jawaharlal after his death.
In 1979, at age seventy-nine, she is appointed India's representative to the UN Human Rights Commission.
She dies on December 1, 1990, at age ninety, in Dehra Dun.
To this day, she remains the only Indian person to have held the position of President of the UN General Assembly.
And yet, how often is her name mentioned when we talk about the great figures of global diplomacy?
Rarely.
The histories center on the familiar male statesmen, the architects of postwar policies, the Cold War negotiators, the men who shook hands in front of cameras. Her leadership, her presence at the center of the international stage, often gets relegated to footnotes—as if her presence was an anomaly, a one-time exception, rather than proof of a broader truth:
Women have always been capable leaders. The structures around them simply refused to see it.
What makes Pandit's story even more powerful is the path she took to that UN presidency. She didn't arrive there through privilege alone, though her family's political prominence certainly opened doors. She arrived there through action.
She joined Gandhi's ashram and participated in daily labor. She stood for election and won. She became a cabinet minister when Indian women had barely any political representation. She was imprisoned—not once, but three times—for fighting colonial rule. She lost her husband to that same fight. She raised three daughters as a widow with minimal financial support. She traveled to America to counter propaganda and advocate for her country's independence. She entered diplomatic service the moment India gained freedom and immediately became one of its most important representatives.
By the time she became UN General Assembly President in 1953, she had earned that position through her mind, her diplomacy, her lived experience of oppression, and her commitment to fighting it.
She understood the costs of colonialism because she had paid them. She understood the damage of oppression because she had resisted it at personal risk. She brought that understanding into rooms dominated by men who had never been imprisoned for their beliefs, who had never lost family members to a fight for freedom, who had never been told they were less capable because of their gender.
Her leadership challenged the assumption that authority must look and sound a certain way. She proved that a woman who had been imprisoned by an empire could sit in the president's chair at the United Nations and lead with clarity, conviction, and moral authority.
For women watching global affairs today, her life is a reminder that the world has already been shaped by female hands—just not always acknowledged. It's not that women weren't at the table. We were there. We led. We changed the course of history.
The omission of names like Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit from mainstream narratives isn't a reflection of their impact. It's a reflection of who has held the pen.
When we learn about the United Nations' founding era, we learn about the men. When we learn about decolonization, we learn about the male leaders. When we learn about Cold War diplomacy, we learn about the male statesmen.
But Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit was there. Leading the Indian delegation. Speaking for the oppressed. Becoming the first woman president of the UN General Assembly. Advocating for the end of colonialism. Serving as ambassador to multiple countries across three continents. Using her platform to demand justice.
She was there for decades. And yet her name is rarely spoken with the same reverence as her male contemporaries.
This is what erasure looks like. Not the absence of achievement, but the absence of acknowledgment.
Pandit knew this. Near the end of her diplomatic career, she left the Congress Party in 1977 to join opposition movements. She continued speaking, writing, advocating. She knew her work mattered. She knew history would remember—if we chose to look.
So look.
Remember that in 1953, a woman who had been imprisoned three times by the British Empire sat in the president's chair at the United Nations General Assembly and led the world's nations.
Remember that before the UN presidency, she had already served as ambassador to the Soviet Union, the United States, Mexico, Ireland, and Spain.
Remember that she fought for India's independence alongside Gandhi and her brother, enduring imprisonment and personal loss.
Remember that she was the first Indian woman to hold a cabinet position.
Remember that she spent decades advocating for decolonization and human rights on the world stage.
Remember Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit.
Not as a footnote. Not as an exception. Not as someone's sister.
As a leader who shaped the world.



Saturday, July 4, 2026

Independence Day 2026

 It was on this day in 1919 that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, giving women the right to vote, was passed by the United States Congress. Women across America voted in their first national election in November of 1920.


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On the 250th Anniversary
Starhawk
Jul 4
When I was a young girl growing up in the ‘50s, we started every school day by reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.
“I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one Nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.”
Our hands on our hearts, we spoke those words day after day, until the idea became deeply ingrained in us, that this was indeed a country that offered liberty and justice for all.
I’ve always believed that the rebellion of the 1960s were sparked, not by our rejection of the American ideals, but from the shattering insight of just how far short our country fell from realizing them. In that era, I couldn’t have eaten a sandwich at a lunch counter a Black friend. Had I been old enough to get a credit card, as a woman I couldn’t have gotten one in my own name. Segregation ruled in the South, discrimination in the North, everywhere women were relegated to lower pay and lesser status, homosexuality was a crime while despoiling the environment was just the normal course of business. The government was meanwhile pursuing a brutal and senseless war in Vietnam, accompanied by a draft that impacted the men of my generation. We saw all that, we got mad, and we joined the Civil Rights movement, launched the peace movement, the feminist movement, the Gay Liberation Movement, the environmental movement, and so many more!
I know it’s fashionable among young people to denigrate the boomers, and many of my generation did give up their radical ideas and went into management or banking, while we benefited from social supports and opportunities young people today can only dream of. So I understand the resentment. But many of us held true to our values, and we’re still out there in the streets marching for No Kings, protesting ICE or demanding Free Palestine.
And that tradition of protest is itself truly American and ultimately patriotic. America has always been a work in progress, needing constant tending and course correction. While the Declaration of Independence that we celebrate today boldly asserts that all men are created equal, the Founding Fathers never meant ‘men’ to include women, or Black men, or First Nations men, or even Irish indentured servants. Equality was a radical idea in an era steeped in the traditions of kings and aristocrats, but Washington and Jefferson weren’t really radicals. They were the aristocrats of the New World, who wanted rights for men like themselves: white, educated property owners, men of a certain class. They didn’t want taxes levied without their consent, and they wanted the freedom to continue to expand their colonies westward into the territories of the indigenous tribes, an enterprise the English overlords wanted to stop, not out of sense of justice for the First Nations, but out of a disinclination to stir up more trouble on the borders and incite costly wars which England did not have the money to fight.
Lower taxes and colonial expansion are not very noble aims, yet equality is the foundational ideal for a just society. Liberty and justice for all--if we take that phrase seriously, if we truly mean for all and not for some--that too is the basis for the better world we all wish to see. Liberty for all implies responsibility, consideration and negotiation. For if we are all equal and we are all entitled to freedom, my freedom cannot override yours. I do not have the liberty to take your land, and you do not have the liberty to take my life. Liberties bump up against each other, and only justice can sort them out.
But justice is only just if it applies equally to all, without fear of reprisals by powerful people or favor to those of wealth and status. Those are the ideals we need right now to counter the cruelty, the corruption, and the injustice which have taken over our government, deeply damaged our social fabric and are destroying the common good.
Yet just as good people can do bad things in the name of their Gods and their beliefs, sometimes deeply flawed people might accidentally do good. Those slaveholding, prejudiced patriots who wrote the Declaration and hammered out the Constitution with all its unfortunate compromises, nonetheless embedded in it ideals that called forth something better than they themselves were capable of imagining.
So they gave birth, not just to a Republic, but to an environment that called forth liberation movement after liberation movement, from the Abolitionists of the 1800s To the Black Lives Matter activists of today.
It’s that long struggle to realize justice that I want to celebrate on this July 4th, and those ideals we must continue to stand for and to fight for. We must become the Founding Mothers, the Parents, the Grandparents of a nation we’ve only ever caught glimpses of, one that will not just give lip service to the beautiful ideals, but will live them fully, wrestle with their contradictions, and undertake the uncomfortable work of repair and regeneration. Today is a good day to pledge ourselves, not to a flag, not even to a republic, but to do what will be needed to make this country truly, at last, a land of liberty and justice for all.