Showing posts with label The Ukraine. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The Ukraine. Show all posts

Monday, February 23, 2026

The Ukraine

Recent past... 

From FaceBook post 11.3.25 by Volodymyr Vlad Kunko

I want to remember this and keep this photo here.

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March 2022 Kharkiv, Ukraine

This is not 1941 – it’s March 2022, Kharkiv. I turned a color photo into black and white.
This photo could be called “February–March 2022: The Railway Stations of Ukraine.”
My colleague, along with her daughter and little granddaughter, took a train like this one after spending several days at the Kyiv railway station.
Everything here is told from her words, exactly as she described it.
… Evacuation trains from Kyiv departed overcrowded, tense, and silent.
Confused, frightened children, nervous animals, tired and exhausted people. Some were lucky to find a seat, others simply collapsed onto the floor in the aisles and vestibules. Few belongings – yet they took up all the space that remained.
As the train pulled away from the station, the lights inside almost immediately went out. From near the doors, someone quietly passed along instructions: no phones, no bright lights, no internet connection, and God forbid – no geolocation. Everyone obediently dimmed their screens.
Darkness. Silence. The train crept carefully through equally dark fields and villages. Sometimes it paused, sometimes it jolted forward.
The children began to fuss – cartoons, bathroom, candy … There was nowhere to walk, and reaching the toilet was nearly impossible. But everyone understood, tucking in their legs, trying to make room. Parents did their best to calm the little ones, but as soon as one end of the car grew quiet, the other side woke up again.
An hour passed. Then another. By the normal schedule, they should already have been near Vinnytsia. They were told they wouldn’t reach Vinnytsia for at least two more hours – and there might not even be a stop. Some tried to protest, but they were quickly hushed. The children fell asleep. It became hot and stuffy. Boring. Frightening. They wanted to drink, but remembered – there would be no easy trips to the toilet.
Lights appeared ahead – Vinnytsia. The train sped through without stopping. The next possible stop: Khmelnytskyi. No one knew when they would get there.
Time dragged slowly. The children woke, and the cycle began again.
More lights ahead. The train slowed, the cabin lights flickered on. Everyone squinted, pulled out their phones, tried to check what was happening.
They arrived at a station. A voice announced a 5-minute stop. Some people frantically grabbed their things, their children, their cats – pushing toward the exit. They jumped onto the platform, but the car didn’t get any emptier.
Suddenly, a huge checkered market bag was thrown into the vestibule, then another two, and finally two women dragged in a fourth.
People began to grumble – “Where are you putting all that? There’s no room as it is!”
Someone replied, “Maybe there’s an animal inside, don’t start with them now.”
The women paid no attention. With quick, practiced motions, they opened the bags and began tossing small packages into the hands of those nearby.
“Quickly, pass them down! Three minutes left!”
People obediently passed them along. One bag empty, then another, and another.
Those still half-asleep tried to understand what was being handed to them.
One of the women shouted into the car:
— “Are there small children here?”
— “Yes!”
— “How many?”
— “About twenty.”
She opened the last bag and shook out more packages.
– “Pass them to the mothers!”
And through the car it rippled like a wave: “Pass them to the mothers, pass them to the mothers …”
The train jerked forward. One woman quickly gathered the empty bags, the other tossed the remaining packages onto the floor, and both jumped back out onto the platform.
“Liuda, water!”
Two crates of water were thrown into the vestibule just as the train started moving.
When people came to their senses, they began to open the packages they had been handed.
Each one contained three oatmeal cookies, a small cheese sandwich, a sandwich with butter and sausage, an apple, two chocolate candies, and a few “rachky” (caramel sweets).
The packages meant “for the mothers” contained a couple of diapers and three packs of baby food.
The lights went out again. Silence – only the rustle of candy wrappers and whispers asking for water.
Someone said the next stop would be Ternopil – but maybe there wouldn’t be a stop at all.
The dark train crept on through the dark fields and villages.
— Anastasia Haridzhuk

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Sharing with Sepia Saturday

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Two years later, Christmas 2025
“This year,” President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said, “many Ukrainians are not at home — and some no longer have a home. But Russia cannot bomb or occupy what matters most: our Ukrainian heart, our faith in one another, and our unity.”

Zelensky contrasted Christmas music with the sounds of drones and missiles — the “noise of evil” that authoritarian power brings when it tries to crush a democratic nation by force.

On Christmas Eve, Russia again launched mass attacks — waves of Shahed drones and missiles. Zelensky framed the assault as the work of a regime with “nothing in common with Christianity — or anything human.”

2025

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Now, February 2026, a Norwegian member of the Nobel Committee has brought Zelensky's name into consideration for the Peace Prize.

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By Ukrainian artists, Anya Stasenko and Slava Leontiev
Subjects of the movie, Porcelain War. It shows actual videos of the Russian invasion of the Ukraine.



Please understand the importance of The Ukraine to all of Europe.







Saturday, February 21, 2026

History of the Ukrainian condition as of 2025

 Heather Cox Richardson is a history professor.

Here's what she wrote in 2025.

Let's look at the actual facts of history...
"The principle of national sovereignty is being tested in Ukraine. After the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine held about a third of the USSR’s nuclear weapons but gave them up in exchange for payments and security assurances from Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom that they would respect Ukraine’s sovereignty within its existing borders. But Ukraine sits between Russia and Europe, and as Ukraine increasingly showed an inclination to turn toward Europe rather than Russia, Russian leader Putin worked to put his own puppets at the head of the Ukrainian government with the expectation that they would keep Ukraine, with its vast resources, tethered to Russia.
In 2004 it appeared that Russian-backed politician Viktor Yanukovych had won the presidency of Ukraine, but the election was so full of fraud, including the poisoning of a key rival who wanted to break ties with Russia and align Ukraine with Europe, that the U.S. government and other international observers did not recognize the election results. The Ukrainian government voided the election and called for a do-over.
To rehabilitate his image, Yanukovych turned to American political consultant Paul Manafort, who was already working for Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska. With Manafort’s help, Yanukovych won the presidency in 2010 and began to turn Ukraine toward Russia. When Yanukovych suddenly reversed Ukraine’s course toward cooperation with the European Union and instead took a $3 billion loan from Russia, Ukrainian students protested. On February 18, 2014, after months of popular protests, Ukrainians ousted Yanukovych from power in the Maidan Revolution, also known as the Revolution of Dignity, and he fled to Russia.
Shortly after Yanukovych’s ouster, Russia invaded Ukraine’s Crimea and annexed it. The invasion prompted the United States and the European Union to impose economic sanctions on Russia and on specific Russian businesses and oligarchs, prohibiting them from doing business in U.S. territories. E.U. sanctions froze assets, banned goods from Crimea, and banned travel of certain Russians to Europe.
Yanukovych’s fall had left Manafort both without a patron and with about $17 million worth of debt to Deripaska. Back in the U.S., in 2016, television personality Donald Trump was running for the presidency, but his campaign was foundering. Manafort stepped in to help. He didn’t take a salary but reached out to Deripaska through one of his Ukrainian business partners, Konstantin Kilimnik, immediately after landing the job, asking him, “How do we use to get whole? Has OVD [Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska] operation seen?”
Journalist Jim Rutenberg established that in 2016, Russian operatives presented Manafort a plan “for the creation of an autonomous republic in Ukraine’s east, giving Putin effective control of the country’s industrial heartland.” In exchange for weakening NATO and U.S. support for Ukraine, looking the other way as Russia took eastern Ukraine, and removing U.S. sanctions from Russian entities, Russian operatives were willing to help Trump win the White House. The Republican-dominated Senate Intelligence Committee in 2020 established that Manafort’s Ukrainian business partner Kilimnik, whom it described as a “Russian intelligence officer,” acted as a liaison between Manafort and Deripaska while Manafort ran Trump’s campaign.
Government officials knew that something was happening between the Trump campaign and Russia. By the end of July 2016, FBI director James Comey opened a counterintelligence investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election. After Trump won, the FBI caught Trump national security advisor Lieutenant General Michael Flynn assuring Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak that the new administration would change U.S. policy toward Russia. Shortly after Trump took office, Flynn had to resign, and Trump asked Comey to drop the investigation into Flynn. When Comey refused, Trump fired him. The next day, he told a Russian delegation he was hosting in the Oval Office: “I just fired the head of the F.B.I. He was crazy, a real nut job…. I faced great pressure because of Russia. That’s taken off.”
Trump swung U.S. policy toward Russia, but that swing hit him. In 2019, with the help of ally Rudy Giuliani, Trump planned to invite Ukraine’s pro-Russian president, Petro Poroshenko, to the White House to boost his chances of reelection. In exchange, Poroshenko would announce that he was investigating Hunter Biden for his work with Ukrainian energy company Burisma, thus weakening Trump’s chief rival, Democrat Joe Biden, in the 2020 presidential election.
But then, that April, voters in Ukraine elected Volodymyr Zelensky rather than Poroshenko. Trump withheld money Congress had appropriated for Ukraine’s defense against Russia and suggested he would release it only after Zelensky announced an investigation into Hunter Biden. That July 2019 phone call launched Trump’s first impeachment, which, after the Senate acquitted him in February 2020, launched in turn his revenge tour and then the Big Lie that he had won the 2020 election. The dramatic break from the democratic traditions of the United States when Trump and his cronies tried to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election was in keeping with his increasing drift toward the political tactics of Russia.
When Biden took office, he and Secretary of State Antony Blinken worked feverishly to strengthen NATO and other U.S. alliances and partnerships. In February 2022, Putin launched another invasion of Ukraine, attempting a lightning strike to take the rich regions of the country for which his people had negotiated with Manafort in 2016. But rather than a quick victory, Putin found himself bogged down. Zelensky refused to leave the country and instead backed resistance, telling the Americans who offered to evacuate him, “The fight is here; I need ammunition, not a ride.” With the support of Biden and Blinken, NATO allies and other partners stood behind Ukraine to stop Putin from dismantling the postwar rules-based international order and spreading war further into Europe.
When he left office just a month ago, Biden said he was leaving the Trump administration with a “strong hand to play” in foreign policy, leaving it “an America with more friends and stronger alliances, whose adversaries are weaker and under pressure,” than when he took office.
Now, on the anniversary of the day the Ukrainian people ousted Victor Yanukovych in 2014—Putin is famous for launching attacks on anniversaries—the United States has turned its back on Ukraine and 80 years of peacetime alliances in favor of support for Vladimir Putin’s Russia. “We now have an alliance between a Russian president who wants to destroy Europe and an American president who also wants to destroy Europe,” a European diplomat said. “The transatlantic alliance is over.”
This shift appears to reflect the interests of Trump, rather than the American people. Trump’s vice president during his first term, Mike Pence, posted: “Mr. President, Ukraine did not ‘start’ this war. Russia launched an unprovoked and brutal invasion claiming hundreds of thousands of lives. The Road to Peace must be built on the Truth.” Senate Armed Services Committee chair Roger Wicker (R-MS) said, “Putin is a war criminal and should be in jail for the rest of his life, if not executed." Courtney Kube and Carol E. Lee of NBC News reported that intelligence officials and congressional officials told them that Putin feels “empowered” by Trump’s recent support and is not interested in negotiations; he is interested in controlling Ukraine.
A Quinnipiac poll released today shows that only 9% of Americans think we should trust Putin; 81% say we shouldn’t. For his part, Putin complained today that Trump was not moving fast enough against Europe and Ukraine.
In The Bulwark, Mark Hertling, who served as the Commanding General of the United States Army Europe, commanded the 1st Armored Division in Germany, and the Multinational Division-North in Iraq, underlined the dramatic shift in American alignment. In an article titled “We’re Negotiating with War Criminals,” he listed the crimes: nearly 20,000 Ukrainian children kidnapped and taken to Russia; the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, schools, and energy facilities; the execution of prisoners of war; torture of detainees; sexual violence against Ukrainian civilians and detainees; starvation; forcing Ukrainians to join pro-Russian militias.
“And we are negotiating with them,” Hertling wrote. Josh Marshall of Talking Points Memo points out that the talks appear to be focused on new concessions for American companies in the Russian oil industry, including a deal for American companies to participate in Russian oil exploration in the Arctic.
For years, Putin has apparently believed that driving a wedge between the U.S. and Europe would make NATO collapse and permit Russian expansion. But it’s not clear that’s the only possible outcome. Ukraine’s Zelensky and the Ukrainians are not participating in the destruction of either their country or European alliances, of course. And European leaders are coming together to strengthen European defenses. Emergency meetings with 18 European countries and Canada have netted a promise to stand by Ukraine and protect Europe. “Russia poses an existential threat to Europeans,” President Emmanuel Macron of France said today. Also today, rather than dropping sanctions against Russia, European Union ambassadors approved new ones.
For his part, Trump appears to be leaning into his alliance with dictators. This afternoon, he posted on social media a statement about how he had killed New York City’s congestion pricing and “saved” Manhattan, adding “LONG LIVE THE KING!” White House deputy chief of staff Taylor Budowich reposted the statement with an image of Trump in the costume of an ancient king, with a crown and an ermine robe. Later, the White House itself shared an image that imitated a Time magazine cover with the word “Trump” in place of “Time,” a picture of Trump with a crown, and the words “LONG LIVE THE KING.”
The British tabloid The Daily Star interprets the changes in American politics differently. Its cover tomorrow features Vladimir Putin walking “PUTIN’S POODLE”: the president of the United States.
From Letters From an American, Feb. 20, 2025


July 2025, Phoeniz AZ